In China, media reports and scholarly research on the phenomenon have mounted since the year 1997. There are four groups of scholars and researchers who divided their opinion of Korean Wave. The first group with a majority of them attempts to explain the rise of Hallyu by the questions: which factors are responsible for this phenomenon? How does it become more popular by cultural products, and not others, in the countries in Asia? (Hanaki et al. 2007; Jeon, 2006; Kim, 2003; Kim, 2007; Lee, 2006; Leung, 2008; Lin, 2006; Shim, 2008; Yoon-Whan Shin, 2006). The second group tries to assess the effects of Korean Wave in both sending country (South Korea) and receiving countries (China, Japan, Southeast Asia and so on.). Many of them are concerned with the economic perspective, which focuses on discovering the reasons for the diffusion of the Korean Wave and the factors influencing its competitiveness in cultural industries and products. Some others analyze characteristics of Korean pop culture in terms of the audiences’ positions. For example, this perspective uses cultural proximity and cultural hybridity or the study of fans to explain the Korean Wave from the cultural perspective (Chae, 2006; Choe, 2007; Eun-kyoung Han, 2005; Hong, Gang, and Ohya, 2007; Hwang, 2008; Iwabuchi, 2008; Kim, et al. 2007). The third group (Hong-xi Han, 2005; Kim, 2009; Sin, 2005; Yun, 2009) concentrate on the questions: why are Asian audiences being attracted by Korean popular culture? How do they evaluate and explain foreign cultural contents? The last group of scholars argued over the issues of theoretical debates on the interpretation of globalization (Cho-Han, 2003; Chua, 2004; Iwabuchi, 2008; Kim, 2009; Kwon, 2006; Shim, 2006; Yang, 2007). While some observers (Cho-Han, 2003) regard Hallyu simply as part of globalization propelled by the logic of capital, some others (Kim, 2009; Chua and Iwabuchi, 2008) believed that Korean Wave is a tool to against media imperialism or globalization occurring in Asia.